Derechos humanos y empresas y Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos: Reflexiones y diálogos
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Información de este libro electrónico
Es clara la intención de educar para ellos e investigarlos si queremos tener una sociedad más justa y equitativa, en aras de lograr la paz en Colombia, así como lograr que tengan una mayor protección en la región.
En este sentido, se lograron las dos intenciones y etapas que acompañaron el proyecto de crear el Congreso Anual de Derecho Internacional en la Facultad: por un lado, atender la necesidad de una obra colectiva de proyección internacional que abarcara, desde diferentes posiciones y escuelas, los nuevos debates relativos a la relación evolutiva entre empresas y derechos humanos y los debates recientes sobre el alcance y eficacia de la jurisprudencia y funcionamiento del sistema interamericano; por otro, la necesidad, como comunidad epistémica, de establecer un foro regional cuyo eje fuera Colombia, para el desarrollo y promoción de los más selectos debates de derecho internacional.
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Derechos humanos y empresas y Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos - Ricardo Abello-Galvis
Derechos Humanos y empresas y Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos
Reflexiones y diálogos
Derechos humanos y empresas y Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Reflexiones y diálogos
Resumen
El presente libro es una obra colectiva que refleja el desarrollo de los derechos humanos en el país, específicamente en la Facultad de Jurisprudencia de la Universidad del Rosario. Es clara la intención de educar para ellos e investigarlos si queremos tener una sociedad más justa y equitativa, en aras de lograr la paz en Colombia, así como lograr que tengan una mayor protección en la región. En este sentido, se lograron las dos intenciones y etapas que acompañaron el proyecto de crear el Congreso Anual de Derecho Internacional en la Facultad: por un lado, atender la necesidad de una obra colectiva de proyección internacional que abarcara, desde diferentes posiciones y escuelas, los nuevos debates relativos a la relación evolutiva entre empresas y derechos humanos y los debates recientes sobre el alcance y eficacia de la jurisprudencia y funcionamiento del sistema interamericano; por otro, la necesidad, como comunidad epistémica, de establecer un foro regional cuyo eje fuera Colombia, para el desarrollo y promoción de los más selectos debates de derecho internacional.
Palabras clave: Derechos humanos, comercio internacional, empresas, Derechos Humanos, derecho internacional.
Business & Human Rights and the Inter-American Human Rights System. Critical reflections and dialogues
Abstract
This book is a collective work that reflects the development of human rights in the country, specifically at the Faculty of Jurisprudence of the Universidad del Rosario. The purpose of educating and researching in human rights is clear if we want to live in a more just and equitable society, in order to achieve peace in Colombia, as well as to ensure that these rights have greater protection in the region. In this sense, the two purposes and stages related to the project of creating an Annual Congress of International Law at the Faculty were achieved. On the one hand, it addressed the need for a collective work of international projection that presented, from different positions and schools, new debates regarding the evolutionary relationship between companies and human rights, as well as recent debates about the scope and effectiveness of the jurisprudence and operation of the Inter-American System. On the other hand, it met the need of establishing, as an epistemic community, a regional forum, with its center of activity in Colombia, for the development and promotion of the most important debates in international law.
Keywords: Human rights, international trade, companies, Human Rights, international law.
Derechos Humanos y empresas y Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos
Reflexiones y diálogos
Ricardo Abello-Galvis
Walter Arévalo-Ramírez
—Editores académicos—
Derechos humanos y empresas y Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Reflexiones y diálogos / Editores académicos, Ricardo Abello-Galvis, Walter Arévalo-Ramírez. – Bogotá: Editorial Universidad del Rosario, 2019.
xviii, 402 páginas.
Incluye referencias bibliográficas.
1. Derechos humanos – Comercio internacional 2. Empresas – Derechos Humanos 3. Derecho internacional I. Abello-Galvis, Ricardo II. Arévalo-Ramírez, Walter III. Universidad del Rosario IV. Título V. Serie
341.481 SCDD 20
Catalogación en la fuente -- Universidad del Rosario. CRAI
SANN Junio 5 de 2019
Hecho el depósito legal que marca el Decreto 460 de 1995
Apoya: ACDI – Anuario Colombiano de Derecho Internacional – Universidad del Rosario – - Red Latinoamericana de Revistas de Derecho Internacional (RELAREDI) - Colegio de Abogados Rosaristas
© Editorial Universidad del Rosario
© Universidad del Rosario
© Varios autores
© Ricardo Abello-Galvis y Walter Arevalo-Ramirez, por el Prólogo
Editorial Universidad del Rosario
Carrera 7 No. 12B-41, of. 501 • Tel: 2970200 Ext. 3112
editorial.urosario.edu.co
Primera edición: Bogotá D. C., septiembre de 2019
ISBN: 978-958-784-288-3 (impreso)
ISBN: 978-958-784-289-0 (ePub)
ISBN: 978-958-784-290-6 (pdf)
DOI: https://doi.org/10.12804/tj9789587842890
Coordinación editorial: Editorial Universidad del Rosario
Corrección de estilo: Grupo Editarte S.A.S.
Diseño de cubierta y diagramación: Precolombi EU-David Reyes
Conversión ePub: Lápiz Blanco S.A.S.
Hecho en Colombia
Made in Colombia
Los conceptos y opiniones de esta obra son responsabilidad de sus autores y no comprometen a la Universidad ni sus políticas institucionales.
El contenido de este libro fue sometido al proceso de evaluación de pares, para garantizar los altos estándares académicos. Para conocer las políticas completas visitar: editorial.urosario.edu.co
Todos los derechos reservados. Esta obra no puede ser reproducida sin el permiso previo escrito de la Editorial de la Universidad del Rosario.
Contenido
Prólogo
Ricardo Abello-Galvis
Walter Arevalo-Ramirez
SECCIÓN 1
DERECHO INTERNACIONAL DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS Y DESARROLLOS SOBRE DERECHOS HUMANOS Y EMPRESAS
Universality at the cross-roads: current trends in inter-state negotiations
at the United Nations and International (Human Rights) Law
Wilson de los Reyes Aragon
Foreword
The role of the United Nations and International Law in contemporary State legitimacy
Universal human rights as source of contemporary State legitimacy
Contestation to the idea of universalism
Daily universalism. Bloc dynamics
Reaching consensus at the European Union
African Group and the Group of Latin American and Caribbean States
Non-geographical groups and their impact at the United Nations
The role of individual states and emerging groups
New developments by expert bodies, new categoriesand the struggle on new human rights
Impact of current trends in inter-governmental negotiations and International Law
Looking ahead
Bibliography
Addressing Transnational Corporate Human Rights Abuses through Soft-Law and Transnational Human Rights
Andres Felipe Lopez Latorre
Litigation
Introduction
Transnational Human Rights Litigation
Soft Law initiatives and MSI
United Nations Guiding Principles (UNGP)
oecd Guidelines
The un Global Compact
Multi Stakeholders Initiatives (MSI) and Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)
Conclusions
Bibliography
Las obligaciones de las empresas en virtud del Derecho Internacional Retos y oportunidades en materia de empresas y derechos humanos
Daniel Iglesias Marquez
Introducción
La subjetividad internacional y las empresas
Las empresas como sujetos con personalidad jurídica internacional limitada
Los intentos de imponer obligaciones a las empresas en virtud del Derecho Internacional
El tratado vinculante sobre empresas y derechos humanos: ¿hacia el reconocimiento de las empresas como sujetos de obligaciones y responsabilidad en virtud del Derecho Internacional?
Reflexiones finales
Bibliografía
Obligaciones de los Estados en materia de empresa y derechos humanos en el marco de proyectos de infraestructura de alto impacto
Raul Fernando Nunez Marin
El Derecho Internacional de las Inversiones en América Latina
El Derecho Interamericano de los Derechos Humanos
Estándares internacionales en materia de responsabilidad al Estado por la actuación de terceros que ejercen atribuciones de poder público
Proyectos de desarrollo
Elementos para reducir la brecha entre el Derecho de las Inversiones y el Derecho de los Derechos Humanos
Panorama actual
Política de UNOPS para infraestructura sostenible
Enfoque Ruggie
La Política Operacional (OP 4.10) y las Normas de Procedimiento del Banco (BP 4.10), Evaluación ambiental (OP 4.01), Hábitats naturales (OP 4.04), Control de plagas (OP 4.09), Recursos culturales físicos (OP 4.11), Reasentamiento involuntario (OP 4.12), Bo
Normas sobre Reasentamiento Involuntario BID
Secretaría del Convenio de Diversidad Biológica
OCDE
Conclusiones
Bibliografía
El camino hacia un tratado vinculante sobre empresa y derechos humanos
Stefanny Justinico Moreno
Introducción
Antecedentes
El proyecto de Normas sobre la Responsabilidad de las Empresas
Los Principios Rectores
Instrumento vinculante
La iniciativa de Ecuador
Posturas a favor y en contra
Propuestas alrededor del contenido del tratado
Debate sobre la forma del tratado
Conclusión
Bibliografía
La inmigración en el marco jurídico internacional de los derechos humanos. La necesidad de un replanteamiento
Mirella E. Velasquez Pasapera
Introducción
La libertad de circulación en el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos
El Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y la inmigración
La discrecionalidad estatal en las políticas migratorias y el tráfico ilícito de migrantes
Algunos argumentos a favor del derecho a inmigrar
Conclusiones
Bibliografía
SECCIÓN 2
SISTEMA INTERAMERICANO DE PROTECCIÓN Y PROMOCIÓN DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS
Judicial dialogues in the Inter-American Human Rights System Propositions towards pluralism
Ana Carolina Lopes Olsen
Katya Kozicki
Introduction
Legal pluralism and integration
Judicial dialogues concerning Human Rights in the Latin-American System
Conventionality Control and Deference to National Courts
Conclusion
Bibliography
Lo que se ha dicho y lo que no se ha dicho sobre la cuarta instancia en el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos Un análisis crítico a la luz de la responsabilidad internacional del Estado por el hecho de los jueces
Maria Carmelina Londono-Lazaro
Juana I. Acosta-Lopez
Introducción
El concepto y desarrollo de la fórmula de la cuarta instancia en el SIDH: lo que se ha dicho
Concepto
Los orígenes de la doctrina de la cuarta instancia en el sidh
Condiciones para configurar la cuarta instancia internacional
El argumento de cuarta instancia en el litigio interamericano
La doctrina de la cuarta instancia y su correlación con la responsabilidad internacional del Estado por el hecho de los jueces
Lo que no se ha dicho de la fórmula de la cuarta instancia
El caso Santo Domingo c. Colombia
El caso Uva Velandia
El caso Artavia Murillo c. Costa Rica
Conclusión: los desafíos sobre la fórmula de la cuarta instancia a la luz del principio de subsidiariedad
Bibliografía
El Derecho Internacional al rescate de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos El caso argentino
Juan Manuel Bradi
Introducción
Incorporación y jerarquía normativa: la Constitución Nacional Argentina luego de su reforma del año 1994
Competencia de la competencia
La Corte idh como cuarta instancia
Los principios de Derecho Público de la Constitución Nacional Argentina y su artículo 27. El margen de apreciación nacional
Palabras finales
Bibliografía
Las contribuciones del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos para la protección a la libertad de expresión en Internet
Anna Luisa Walter de Santana
Danielle Anne Pamplona
Introducción
Empresas y derechos humanos: una relación posible
Libertad de expresión en el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos
Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos e Internet: posibles contribuciones a la actuación de las empresas
Conclusiones
Bibliografía
SECCIÓN 3
DERECHO INTERNACIONAL PENAL
La subjetividad internacional de los agentes no estatales como herramienta de prevención de atrocidades El caso de los grupos armados y las empresas multinacionales
Tatiana Londono Camargo
Introducción
Respecto de la subjetividad internacional de grupos armados y empresas
Las obligaciones y derechos de los actores no estatales dentro del ordenamiento jurídico internacional vigente
Aplicación práctica y conclusiones
Bibliografía
Hate speech and incitiement to further crimes against humanity and war crimes in the framework of the international criminal court
Luis Daniel Mantilla Arango
Introduction
Criminal Incitement and Hate Speech
Incitement
Hate Speech
The Dynamics Between Hate Speech and Incitement
Article 25(3)(d) of the Rome Statute and its Interpretation
Applying Article 25(3)(d)(i) to Cases of Incitement to Further the Commission of International Crimes
Conclusions
Bibliography
Los autores
Prólogo
El presente libro de investigación es la afortunada conclusión de varias iniciativas y convocatorias lideradas por los editores, con el apoyo del grupo de investigación en Derecho Internacional de la Facultad de Jurisprudencia de la Universidad del Rosario, que fueron respondidas por una destacada comunidad de autores y por instituciones como el Colegio de Abogados Rosaristas, la Academia Colombiana de Derecho Internacional (ACCOLDI), la Red Latinoamericana de Revistas de Derecho Internacional (RELAREDI) y el Anuario Colombiano de Derecho Internacional (ACDI), el cual al inicio de este proyecto celebraba sus 10 primeros años y hoy al momento de su conclusión, celebra y presenta a la comunidad académica su volumen 12.
Como obra colectiva, el libro Derechos Humanos y empresas y Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Reflexiones y diálogos refleja las dos intenciones y etapas que acompañaron el proyecto. Por un lado, atender la necesidad de una obra colectiva de proyección internacional que abarcara, desde diferentes posiciones y escuelas, los nuevos debates relativos a la relación evolutiva entre empresas y derechos humanos y los debates recientes sobre el alcance y eficacia de la jurisprudencia y funcionamiento del sistema interamericano, y, por otro lado, la necesidad, como comunidad epistémica, de establecer un foro regional cuyo eje fuera Colombia, para el desarrollo y promoción de los más selectos debates de Derecho Internacional.
Esta iniciativa, de la cual este libro es el segundo producto de investigación académica, se consolidó con la fundación del Congreso Nacional de Derecho Internacional de la Facultad de Jurisprudencia de la Universidad del Rosario, que sirvió de foro final para que los autores presentarán en abril de 2018 las versiones preliminares de sus capítulos que venían trabajando desde que fueron seleccionados por vía del call for papers internacional que se había convocado como puerta inicial al proyecto de investigación.
El Congreso, en su primera edición, adicionalmente a la convocatoria de los autores de la presente obra, fue acompañado por la Academia de Derecho Internacional de La Haya y su secretario general, Dr. Jean-Marc Thouvenin, en exaltación de las contribuciones de los juristas latinoamericanos al Derecho Internacional. Para 2019, el Congreso cumplió con su promesa y vocación de permanencia al realizar su segunda edición dedicada al Derecho Penal Internacional y de la que se planea un futuro libro de investigación.
En su primera edición, el Congreso logró convocar a más de 40 ponentes de 12 nacionalidades diferentes y consolidarse como un faro en América Latina para la difusión del Derecho Internacional y como punto de encuentro para investigadores para desarrollar obras colectivas y amalgamar intereses y posturas, como lo atestigua la presente obra. Anecdóticamente, la organización del Congreso y de cada uno de sus detalles se dio en tiempo récord durante la estancia de los editores en Hamburgo en febrero del mismo año, donde presentarían ante el público europeo interesado en la historia del Derecho Internacional sus investigaciones sobre el aporte al desarrollo y codificación del Derecho Internacional moderno de los internacionalistas latinoamericanos de inicios del siglo XX. Esta misma consigna fue fundamental para dedicar todos los esfuerzos posibles a reivindicar ese rol de la academia latinoamericana en el Derecho Internacional y promover el Primer Gran Congreso y la presente obra colectiva.
La portada de la obra también guarda un especial significado para los autores; la foto de Eleanor Roosevelt sosteniendo la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos es el retrato de uno de los momentos fundantes del Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y recuerda la necesidad de retomar las luchas en favor de la vigencia y desarrollo progresivo de los derechos humanos y sus jurisdicciones regionales, luchas como la que dio Roosevelt, apodada en su momento La Primera Dama del Mundo
para lograr la declaración al presidir la Comisión de las Naciones Unidas encargada de redactar la declaración y dentro de ella, con incomparable habilidad política y diplomática, lograr conciliar los extremos políticos del mundo durante la Guerra Fría.
El presente libro de investigación se compone de tres secciones, la primera dedicada al Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y desarrollos sobre derechos humanos y empresas, con los capítulos Universality at the Cross-Roads —Current trends in Inter-State Negotiations at the United Nations and International (Human Rights) Law—
, de Wilson de los Reyes Aragón; Addressing Transnational Corporate Human Rights Abuses through Soft-Law and Transnational Human Rights Litigation
, de Andrés Felipe López Latorre; Las obligaciones de las empresas en virtud del Derecho Internacional: retos y oportunidades en materia de empresas y derechos humanos
, de Daniel Iglesias Márquez; Obligaciones de los Estados en materia de empresa y derechos humanos en el marco de proyectos de infraestructura de alto impacto
, de Raúl Fernando Núñez Marín; El camino hacia un tratado vinculante sobre empresa y derechos humanos
, de Stefanny Justinico Moreno; y La inmigración en el marco jurídico internacional de los derechos humanos. La necesidad de un replanteamiento
, de Mirella E. Velásquez Pasapera.
En una segunda sección, se estudian en detalle los debates recientes alrededor de la jurisprudencia del Sistema Interamericano de Protección y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos, con los capítulos Judicial Dialogues in the Inter-American Human Rights System: Propositions Towards pluralism
, de Ana Carolina Lopes Olsen y Katya Kozicki; Lo que se ha dicho y lo que no se ha dicho sobre la cuarta instancia en el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos: un análisis crítico a la luz de la responsabilidad internacional del Estado por el hecho de los jueces
, de María Carmelina Londoño-Lázaro y Juana I. Acosta-López; El Derecho Internacional al rescate de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos. El caso argentino
, de Juan Manuel Bradi; y Las contribuciones del Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos para la protección a la libertad de expresión en Internet
, de Anna Luisa Walter de Santana y Danielle Anne Pamplona.
Finalmente, el conjunto de investigaciones relativas a la promoción y garantía de los derechos humanos y empresas se cierra con un estudio del problema desde el Derecho Internacional Penal, mediante los capítulos La subjetividad internacional de los agentes no estatales como herramienta de prevención de atrocidades: el caso de los grupos armados y las empresas multinacionales
, de Tatiana Londoño; y Hate speech and incitement to further crimes against humanity and war crimes in the framework of the international criminal court
, de Luis Daniel Mantilla Arango.
Esperamos que la obra colectiva que entregamos a la comunidad académica sea el punto de encuentro para profundas reflexiones latinoamericanas sobre el desarrollo y vigencia de nuestro sistema regional de derechos humanos y de la apropiación de sus estándares por parte de sujetos y actores de la vida internacional más allá del Estado, como las empresas y el individuo.
Ricardo Abello-Galvis
Walter Arévalo-Ramírez
Editores académicos
SECCIÓN 1
DERECHO INTERNACIONAL DE LOS DERECHOS HUMANOS Y DESARROLLOS SOBRE DERECHOS HUMANOS Y EMPRESAS
Universality at the cross-roads: current trends in inter-state negotiations at the United Nations and International (Human Rights) Law
Wilson de los Reyes Aragón*
* Senior Legal Advisor/Main representative to United Nations in Geneva - RFSU (Sweden); Associate Scholar Latin American Institute – Stockholm University (Sweden); Colaborador Centro de Investigacion de la Efectividad del Derecho (Spain). wilson.delosreyes@rfsu.se.
Foreword
Current notion of International Law is closely bound to the post-war order, particularly to the notion of peace among equally sovereign nations and universal human rights entitled to all individuals. Based on these two pillars, international relations and international law have (successfully) built a truly universal system mirroring nation-states architecture, namely pursuing the monopoly of force to the fullest extent possible, the development of a rational, independent, law-based dispute resolution system, and the guarantee of certain fundamental rights to all individuals (without further qualifiers). In this regard, the United Nations and the Universal Human Rights Charter have been operative as a foundational pact fulfilling a legitimising function. The basic intergovernmental agreements on human rights have, in their turn, acted as a guideline for state legitimacy and governance. However, current geopolitical trends put the idea of universalism at the cross-roads, posing both risks and opportunities for the international system, for its institutions and for International Law as a safeguard of its legitimacy.
The role of the United Nations and International Law in contemporary State legitimacy
As stated in its webpage, the United Nations has a unique international character allowing it to take action on the issues confronting humanity in the 21st century, such as peace and security, climate change, sustainable development, human rights, disarmament, terrorism, humanitarian aid and health emergencies, gender equality, governance, food production, and more
. The UN claims to provide a forum for is members
in order to find, through inter-governmental negotiation, areas of agreement and solve problems together
.¹
Such description is a very good summary of the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the source of its own organisational legitimacy. While never intended to be a super-state, the UN was intended as a more efficient successor to the League of Nations and aimed to be born as an international power.² According to the Royal Institute of International Affairs, it was necessary to overcome some design flaws from the League Nations and build the new organisation upon the basis of formal equality of all states and open membership to all of them, regardless their size or influence.³
Designed as an international power aimed to create a new world order,⁴ the UN Charter entrusts the Organisation with the mandate to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained
, vesting it the with authority to audit and influence the conduct of both Member and Non-Member states through supervision and, eventually, through coercion.⁵
Despite any (reasonable) old and new criticism to the UN as organisation,⁶ to its politics⁷ and its activity,⁸ the political power historically exerted by the UN can be argued in terms of magnitude, but never in terms of existence. As a matter of fact, given the wide range of intersecting (and conflicting) topics, problems, organs and interests historically addressed by the UN, its mere existence can be regarded as evidence of success.⁹ Also, the number of Member States and the fact that Member States continue to entrust the different (old and new) UN bodies and agencies to deal with (old and new) issues can only confirm such success.¹⁰
UN relevance has also had a long-lasting impact on International Law. Since its creation, the UN has not only become a significant international legislator, but transformed International Law by producing a new set of soft-law regulations and standards not fitting within its traditional sources.¹¹ According to some scholars, the interaction between different UN political organs and international courts has played a major role in developing and mainstreaming the use of teleological interpretations beyond the texts and original scope of International Law instruments.¹² According to them, the UN Charter could be regarded as a World Constitution or, at least, as a basic framework enclosing a set of hierarchically superior legal norms and values. In other words, the UN Charter was intended as a foundational pact or social contract among nations based on the democratic ideal of (formal-legal) equality among all nations.¹³ If compared to the 51 founding members, the current 193 Member States (plus two Observers) can be regarded as evidence of the added-value that states find in adhering to a constitutionally-oriented international organisation such as the United Nations.¹⁴
Based on the latter, the United Nations became a symbol of the foundational pact of the contemporary international community and proved to be relevant for the international community as a whole, but also for individual states which historically have taken membership to the UN as unequivocal evidence of their statehood.¹⁵ Nonetheless, membership to the UN requires states to positively adhere to the organisation’s purposes and principles, as well as committing themselves to honour them. Consequently, as a result of either belief or calculation,¹⁶ UN Member States have pledged to multilateralism, rule of law and human rights as universal core-values upholding their status as civilised, peace-loving states. A quick overview of national constitutional texts confirms the concrete (formal) influence of the UN purposes and principles on the domestic legal systems.¹⁷
Universal human rights as source of contemporary State legitimacy
Despite its final deletion¹⁸ as one of the UN purposes and principles, promoting and encouraging the respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all
is still one of the core obligations of the Member States.¹⁹ Universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all is presented as part of the raison d’être of the UN authority and machinery. As a legitimising factor,²⁰ such proclamation is considered to be beneficial for both the UN itself and its Member States, since it amounts to the rationality and predictability of inter-state relations, discouraging (at least to a certain degree) the use of force and setting a framework for rational, law-based dispute resolution system.²¹ This is the basis for the development and implementation of the so-called Human Rights Charter, comprised by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.
While some appeals to universality can be found prior to the creation of the UN,²² it can be stated the current meaning of this concept was developed within the UN through the Human Rights Charter. In this regard, particular attention should be given to some factors emerging together with the UN. First, that the UN hosted the first international negotiations for setting a catalogue of human rights intended to be generally applicable to all individuals around the globe.²³ Second, that the UN Charter entrusted the UN machinery with specific mandates for promoting such universal rights. Third, the UN hosted the evolution of the principle of non-reciprocity in the context of human rights within the framework provided by the UN machinery. Finally, the Human Rights Charter has an added-value for universality since it has inspired the development of additional human rights instruments and systems at the global and regional levels.²⁴
Despite different opinions regarding its legal status,²⁵ there is consensus around the importance of the Universal Declaration for the development of International Human Rights Law, its codification and its accountability mechanisms.²⁶ Technically adopted as a Declaration, not as a treaty, the Declaration is not subject to ratification, simplifying the process for a large number of states to endorse it. Given its political value in times of decolonisation and the rise of many new states applying for UN membership, endorsement of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights could have be regarded as evidence of being a peace-loving State that accepts the obligations²⁷ contained in the UN Charter, in particular after the UN General Assembly’s decision on the Publicity to be given to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a historic act, destined to consolidate world peace through and to be disseminated, displayed, read and translated in all languages possible.²⁸
As a result of either belief or calculation, all states ended up endorsing the UN Human Rights Charter. By doing so, they contributed to strengthening its value as international law and, consequently, also reinforced the idea around the universal character of certain values and bodies. This statement is true if considered that around 90 % of all Member States are party to at least one of the two International Covenants on Human Rights regarded as pertaining the Human Rights Charter.
Moreover, the idea of universalism has periodically been strengthened by the celebration of world conferences for discussing particular issues, leading to the adoption of Declarations intended to have a universal character and impact. The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action (1993),²⁹ the International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action (1994),³⁰ the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995),³¹ the United Nations Millennium Declaration (2000),³² the Resolution Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (2015),³³ the Paris Agreement on Climate Change (2015)³⁴ and the coming Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (expected for December 2018)³⁵ are, perhaps, the best illustration of the continued calls for universality within the UN system.
Yet, among major agreements there is always room for lack of consensus. Already by the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Resolution stated that despite the UN cannot remain indifferent to the fate of minorities, it was decided not to deal in a specific provision with the question of minorities in a Declaration³⁶ envisaged as a historic act. Likewise, despite remarkable progress at global negotiations, topics such as migration, environmental issues, sexual and reproductive health and rights, sexual orientation and gender identity, minority rights, the protection of the family, death penalty, the protection due to cultural, religious and traditional beliefs and practices, as well as the responsibility of business enterprises for the protection of human rights, inter alia, continue to be too contentious as for reaching a satisfactory minimum universal consensus. Furthermore, lack of consensus on these topics seems to have contributed to revisit prior consensuses on other topics considered to have already been settled. This trend, together with other socio-political developments have given rise to warnings of an ongoing erosion of universalism.³⁷
Contestation to the idea of universalism
Contestation to the international model at its global (UN-system) and regional (OAS, EU, AU) structures is far from new,³⁸ but it steadily gains momentum.³⁹ On one hand, one consequence of more participants in the international system is a slow but progressive shift of the gravity-centrum of international relations from its original main actors (mostly located in Western Europe) to other regions that historically have had an alternative understanding of the concept and scope of democracy, rule of law and human rights as currently defined.⁴⁰ As those regions become more active at the international level, they have started to demand universal consensus on topics that traditionally had been neglected. As becoming stronger, those states have even started to revisit current consensuses on other topics. On the other hand, there is a crisis of democracy, rule of law and human rights in the very core of western society, hindering their will, capacity and legitimacy to defend the system they actively helped to build.⁴¹
Among the many reasons behind the increasing feeling of an eroding universality, this article will focus on two topics having direct consequences for UN negotiations as part of the process of codification and development of International (Human Rights) Law.
First, some states could have embraced the flag of human rights in the context of the Cold-War and worldwide decolonization as a way of gaining recognition according the UN Charter, and support from the UN in their independence processes. However, after their consolidation as states, and encouraged by socio-economic changes in the geopolitical context, those states can now challenge⁴² or distance themselves from previous commitments⁴³ that no longer are necessary for their recognition as states.
Second, the system started within the UN for human rights codification and accountability has been so successful in developing new standards and interpreting the concept and scope of existing human rights that it has become self-replicating. While the relevant UN political bodies remain the formal source of new agreements on human rights, their origin can now be technical standards set by expert bodies, such as the Treaty Bodies or the Special Procedures, namely when a particular right is an evolution or an interaction between set of previously existing human rights.⁴⁴
The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities⁴⁵ and the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families⁴⁶ illustrate very well this situation. Both are examples of international human rights conventions emerging, at least partially, from technical developments at technical bodies becoming so broad and mainstreamed that reaching a political agreement among UN Member States became possible. The Preamble of both conventions expressly mentions the influence from previous human rights conventions and the important role played by expert bodies within the scope of the UN. These two conventions also reflect that even having a convention entered into force is not equal to having universal consensus on emerging human rights issues. While the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities can show off 177 state ratifications and 11 signatories, the Convention on Migrant Workers and their Families can barely survive with 52 state parties and 15 signatories pending ratification.⁴⁷
As one of the most genuine expressions of universalism, migration is ironically one of the most controversial human rights issues at the international system. It currently holds universalism at stake, but it definitely is not the only one in this category. As mentioned before, debate around the political and legal status (as human rights) of climate change, sexuality and reproduction, the relevance of family, tradition, religion and culture for human rights, and the role of business and the environment for human rights have turned out to generate controversy, as well as an opportunity to revisit even previous universal agreements.⁴⁸
Debate around these and other topics is naturally channelled through the inter-governmental negotiations at different UN fora and create its own dynamics and interests. As for the development of international law, these debates open a window of opportunity for integrating the different sources of international law, namely, by mainstreaming the technical developments of expert bodies into negotiated documents, strengthening their legal value. For instance, mainstreaming of technical developments by the International Law Commission could mean a significant contribution for some Resolutions negotiated at the UN Human Rights Council.⁴⁹
As usual, one of the major determinants of the outcome documents at the UN is the dynamics created by the positions adopted by regional blocs. Not surprisingly, this is also the case concerning the discussions on emerging human rights issues, to the point of identifying some geopolitical groups with some particular emerging topics. Naturally, this plays a role in the interaction between Member States and other stakeholders, such as UN bodies, expert organs and a wide-range of regional and non-governmental organisations.
Daily universalism. Bloc dynamics
Geographical regions are expressly recognised as an important criterion within the United Nations. The UN Charter calls for equitable geographic distribution.⁵⁰ A broad range of conventions, resolutions, operational guidelines and the composition of UN bodies provide plenty of examples of the importance given to this guidance. But at the same time, calls for cross-regional agreements and collaboration are also underscored within the UN,⁵¹ as a means for achieving the aim of universality of principles and purposes pursued by the organisation and, as far as endorsing the Charter, by its Member States.
For this reason, the regional groups are politically key. The usual practice includes regional consultations and preliminary negotiations prior to larger processes. Bloc dynamics has proven to have both political (group negotiation, increased strength for both larger and smaller countries within the region) and logistical (division of labour, particularly for states not having clear positions on certain topics or not sufficient staff at the capital or the delegation, as well as benchmarking and good information channels) benefits. But bloc dynamics can also have darker sides, namely political division, misinformation, as well as some opportunities for individual states to successfully kidnap a regional position, as can be seen in all major regional political groups at the UN.
Reaching consensus at the European Union
There is an undeniable added value for most of the European states in building a regional strength, given the fact that most of them are usually small states. Nevertheless, the EU policy of always striving after internal consensus in all Agenda items has turned the EU into a rather static, weak and predictable negotiator at the UN, as reaching the consensus of 28 (soon 27) EU-members has become harder and harder. Once regarded as the worldwide champions for human rights and democracy, the EU has seemed to have been captured by its internal struggles with significant impact on human rights, in particular those related to migration, social security and climate change. Internal disagreement on those topics has the potential to exacerbate additional tensions about the nature and future of the Union itself, namely the EU general concerns about the political developments in Poland, Hungary, Italy and domestic tensions in most EU-members.⁵²
As a result, given its strategic value in times of diplomatic offensives against it,⁵³ the EU seems to be more determined to show consensus at the international level, to the cost of adopting as regional the most conservative positions on human rights.⁵⁴ Despite the fact that those positions could not be representative of the majority of the EU-member states, the cost of showing a split EU is for the time being considered to be even higher.
For intergovernmental negotiations, a faded EU position on human rights has not only slowed down the process of further standard-setting, but even to question longstanding human rights standards, mostly in the name of tradition, religion and culture, with potentially significant implications for International (Human Rights) Law.
The conformation of informal like-minded groups within the own region, such as the Nordic-Baltic group,⁵⁵ is an interesting strategy allowing thematic champions to be vocal without breaking the formal regional consensus. However, it is still too soon to anticipate whether such groups could undermine in practice the joint EU position.
African Group and the Group of Latin American and Caribbean States
Traditionally, both the African Group and the Latin American and Caribbean group are perceived as cohesive and united. The geopolitical added-value of group negotiation towards historically more powerful countries could perhaps explain such strategy. Nevertheless, both regional groups have also started to show internal changes in an evolving global environment.
In general terms, while UN-records confirm that there is still a genuine effort for achieving regional consensus, they also show that such consensus is increasingly becoming harder to achieve. As happens within the EU, within the Latin American and Caribbean Group the search for regional consensus, together with individual states’ reluctance to appear as dissidents, seems to have been instrumental to some particular states for regionalising their own national position or interest, despite it is far from reflecting the group’s position.⁵⁶
Differently from the EU, within the African Group this strategy is usually not implemented as a contestation to the regional power in order to gain regional influence, but deployed by the regional powers in order to impose their national position on the rest of the region.
The gap between the regional and national positions – particularly voting records, but also individual statements – at intergovernmental negotiations held at the Human Rights Council illustrates that the formally presented regional position not seldom is just a national position magnified by the reluctance from the rest of the region to (officially) break the image of unity.⁵⁷ While not as active as in the case of the EU, some informal like-minded groups have also been a strategy to vocalise regional disagreement without cracking the formal regional agreements, particularly in some human rights issues, as those mentioned above.⁵⁸
Non-geographical groups and their impact at the United Nations
While not a new phenomenon, the emergence and active participation of cross-regional associations and partnerships poses challenges to the geographic blocs. As a consequence of either cultural bounds (e.g. the Portuguese speaking countries group),⁵⁹ religion (e.g. the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation)⁶⁰ or political affinity (e.g. the group of friends of the family)⁶¹ they have increased their activity at the Human Rights Council in a significant way, creating opportunities and challenges for the political dynamics and the final outcomes of negotiated texts and policies.
One possible explanation to the non-geographical groups’ more active role is that geographical groups agglutinate a number of states that, apart from relative geographical proximity, have little in common and may even have different socio-political history and values. Perhaps the two most evident examples are the European Union (with member states belonging to WEOG and Eastern European States) and the African Group (and the obvious differences between the North African and the Sub-Saharan States).
The role of individual states and emerging groups
Records from the UN activity confirm the continued major role that the United States and some other traditionally influential WEOG⁶² countries play in setting the agenda and the outcome agreements. The recent session of the Commission on Population and Development (CPD),⁶³ decisions by the Security Council⁶⁴ illustrate such character, as well as the US withdrawal from the Human Rights Council.⁶⁵ Nevertheless, such traditional influence has increasingly been challenged by the emergence of additional players in the global board. Some of them are relatively new in such influential position, including Egypt, South Africa, Nigeria, Brazil, Portuguese Speaking Countries, CARICOM, the Small Island Developing States and Qatar.⁶⁶
Other states are more familiar to play an influential role, but have shifted their traditional policy from only exerting its influence as far as their national or regional interests were involved towards a more global policy, such as the case of China⁶⁷ and the Russian Federation,⁶⁸ perhaps since their national and regional interests have accordingly expanded too.
Records from recent sessions of the Human Rights Council reveal the impact of the increasing influence of such new stakeholders, and how these states, through different individual and group strategies have contributed to calling for new consensus on old and new human rights issues. One of the strategies is observed during the negotiation of resolutions and other political documents, through attempts to revisit agreed language and its International Law basis. In this strategy, it is usual to appeal to exegetic interpretation of International Law texts, undermining the legal value (as source of international law) of developments and interpretations by expert bodies, in particular Treaty Monitoring Bodies. Some of those discussions could eventually revisit the very structure of the human rights system as currently established, particularly those topics promoting religion, tradition and culture as source and interpretation criteria for the attribution and accountability of human rights.⁶⁹
Another strategy focuses on blocking outcome documents containing references to some core-values of the universal system, usually implemented by tabling amendments, voting calls, blocking decisions by procedural committees, etc. In this regard, observers have noted a remarkable interest by some states in integrating and/or somehow controlling the composition of technical and procedural organs and committees at the UN. For instance, through controlling the budgetary commissions⁷⁰ and the NGO Committee,⁷¹ it is possible to play a gate-keeper role concerning the implementation of decisions or the access of non-state stakeholders (such as NGOs) to the negotiations taking place at the UN.
New developments by expert bodies, new categoriesand the struggle on new human rights
While envisaged as a symbol for increasing international pluralism, equitable geographic distribution